Gather 'round pedes. Time to learn a little history.

I'm sure all of you know Patrick Henry's famous battle cry, "Give me liberty, or give me death!" But have you read the entire text of the speech before? It is...eerily on the nose given our current situation.

A little background; This speech was given by Patrick Henry on March 23rd, 1775 in front of the Second Virginian Convention. This was a meeting among Patriots in Richmond, VA, removing themselves from the then-Capitol of Williamsburg to discuss colonial issues free of Loyalist intrusion. Thomas Jefferson and George Washington were likely in attendance. In our timeline of events, this was months before the opening salvos at Lexington green, but after the popular uprisings and seizure of the rural governments in Massachusetts. In other words, this speech was given in the eye of the storm; a period of calm in between civil unrest and open warfare.

No written copy of the speech's text has ever been found. Patrick Henry was famous for his stirring oratory, but he rarely wrote his statements down in advance. What you are about to read was actually compiled by a writer named William Wirt in 1817 after discussion with witnesses to the speech itself. Although Wirt stated that he captured the essential qualities of Henry's remarks, it is generally agreed upon that Wirt took some creative license with the composition of the speech itself, although historians disagree as to what extent. That being said, the witnesses to this speech have agreed that Wirt's rendition is essentially correct, even if the specific phraseology has been lost to time.

With that out of the way, let's examine the speech itself within the context of our present struggle.

What you are about to read is the clarion call of a Patriot; a call to action against the severance of the sacred social contract of the British Empire. Henry is at the point of despair that the usual legal mechanisms have been either disregarded or outright violated; the rights his countrymen were supposed to be afforded as Englishmen treated with contempt. Without enforcement, the rights listed on foundational documents were meaningless, much like they are today.

What follows is a call to war. Henry is explicitly reminding his countrymen that legal systems are substitutes for violent recourse. When the system is no longer honored, any pretenses of governance amount to tyranny and are rightly repulsed by force.

We are not at this point yet, of course. But imagining a situation, as unlikely as it seems, where the courts fail us, or power is seized by some other means, then we have certified a party which has violated the most basic agreement among us as free citizens of this republic; that each person should be assigned a single vote. Make no mistake, each vote made by counterfeit, deception, theft, or fabrication is an act of disenfranchisement of a valid American's choice, destroying their ability to exercise this most essential expression of freedom.

Taken in conjunction with their ceaseless demands to silence us, disarm us, destroy our Constitution, change our basic philosophy from one of individual liberty to a hideous system of collectivism, or their extreme hatred of our heritage by destroying our monuments and sacred historical places. Even our flag, that symbol which stands to unite each of us, is routinely desecrated, burned, or disrespected. This same flag, which my grandfather saluted in the ruinous hell of the Pacific theater, is treated as a cheap prop to virtue signal their opposition to the very tenets of our freedoms, all while blanketed in the warm embrace of the safety provided to them by better men than themselves. These modern leftists have less in common with us than our forefathers did with the British in 1775, and we have several times the number of actionable grievances against them.

And before SCOTUS rules on these wanton, shocking instances of fraud against our electoral system, it should be noted that much like Patrick Henry's America, our most trusted institutions have failed to enforce the law, abandoned any pretenses of justice, and targeted Patriots acting consistently within the law in favor of organized tyranny.

So with that, enjoy the words (or perhaps sentiments) of Patrick Henry. Be reintroduced to your heritage as an American. As you read, understand that the unique aspect of our American heritage is that it demands a responsibility of you; to preserve our liberties for future generations.

March 23rd, 1775;

"No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony.

The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss.

Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort.

I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging.

And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer.

Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.

Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne!

In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained—we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary.

But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house?

Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?

Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us.

Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.

Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged!

Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable—and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, peace, peace—but there is no peace. The war is actually begun!

The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have?

Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?

Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!"

-Patrick Henry