Yesterday was a GREAT day...
I wasn't expecting a good day at all, but it turned out to be a GREAT day.
I saw every video and every stream of Joe Biden downvoted at least three-to-one against upvotes. I saw someone -- YouTube or the White House -- delist the inauguration ceremony video to hide it from negative attention. I saw them have to remove downvotes to mitigate the optics. (What's the word for when one does that with votes... Is it “cheating?”)
I saw Donald Trump's tarmac farewell speech video get millions of views versus only tens of thousands for mainline streams of the inauguration.
I saw a militarized Washington, D.C., locked down double, to protect a figure who feels insecure from the American people -- and even from the American military, it turns out. I saw insecurity and unpopularity on display, not even hidden. I saw the mask coming off. And I saw people see this and comment on it and post about it. I saw that we see each other seeing it, and /that/ is another thing entirely.
The same day -- as long as the mask is coming off --, unprosecuted criminal John Brennan openly declared libertarians an insidious “threat to democracy” and the legitimate target of intelligence and law enforcement agencies. So we have that on the table now. No need to pussy-foot about that anymore! I see that they feel less inclined to hide their intentions. I see that people see this.
The thing I saw that knocked my socks off was people, many people, even many people who rarely post online about these things, who all seemed to have on the same day, seeing all these things, the impulse to say something, to say their piece. I saw this on multiple sites, including Facebook, where we have been trained that questioning basic things can result in suspensions and bans. But for once day, on the occasion of the installation of His Fraudulency, a whole lot of ordinary people said inside themselves that they just had to say something, if only just once. And it was beyond the power of any corporation or entity to suppress, even if they had tried.
Wednesday, January 21st, 2021 was a GREAT day.
After the last four years, they will not now be able to leave off the addiction to the “hit” provided by having someone to demonize and someone to blame. Trump is gone. Now they have only you and their addiction.
I said it earlier this month, and this is what I meant. Now is the time to be associated with what the whole world hates. When the whole world is against one thing, united in opposition, past the point of needing reasons, it is time to be on the side of that thing. It's time to buy stock in the thing that's at its bottom. It's time to be in the GOP, and it's time to be in Trump's corner.
You (and I) are the new Trump, dear Pede. I mean that in the sense that now that the media doesn't have Trump to demonize and blame, you (and I) are next on the menu.
This week in Washington, D.C.: The celebratory banquet at the N.I.C.E.
They have pulled down Deep Heaven on their heads.
Cheating doth never prosper. What's the meaning? For if it prosper, done dare call it cheating.
Sincere request: That going forward, Mondays remain Melania Monday no matter who lives in the White House.
(If I lose I get $46K.)
At this point, we are waiting for people in positions of responsibility to do the right thing with the evidence and the arguments we have delivered to them. Right now, while it all hangs in the balance, while it could all go one way or the other, I want each of you to think deeply what you would be willing to do if God spares our lives and gives us our freedom back. If an election can be seized through power and poll worker intimidation and fraud, do we even have our country anymore? Do we even have the Constitution, effectively? If God graciously gives us back our country in one mighty stroke, remember and don't forget what you would have been willing to do, to change, maybe to give up or to commit to, to live differently if only you had that deliverance.
That is all.
“Landslide Joe,” Heir of “Landslide Lyndon”
Gary North - November 07, 2020
In 1948, Texas was a one-party state. The Republican Party functioned as a punching bag for the Democrats. This was true all over the South.
The key to being elected to any office was the Democratic Party primary. If you won that, you were going to be elected.
In 1948, Gov. Coke Stephenson was running for the U.S. Senate. He was running against Congressman Lyndon Johnson.
What I'm about to describe here was unknown to anybody outside of Texas in 1964. It has been verified dozens of times since then. In 1964, one of the most distinguished of all Texas historians, J. Evetts Haley, wrote a little paperback book: A Texan Looks at Lyndon: A Study in Illegitimate Power. That was the year Johnson ran against Goldwater. Haley wrote it because one of his sons kept telling him that nobody knew the dirt on Johnson. Haley decided to go public with what he knew. The book became a multimillion sales phenomenon. It was bought in bulk and sent to voters around the country. It was parallel to A Choice Not an Echo, which launched the career of Phyllis Schlafly. There was a third book: John Stormer's None Dare Call It Treason.
As late as 1987, the liberal Texas Monthly did a hatchet piece on Haley and the book. But that was a last-ditch defensive effort. The first volume of Robert Caro's four-volume biography of Johnson had appeared in 1982. Volume by volume, Caro has confirmed Haley's accusations. The second volume, Means of Ascent, covers the 1948 election. It appeared in 1990. About one-quarter of the book is devoted to the 1948 election. Caro is one of the most distinguished historians in America. He has won two Pulitzer Prizes and numerous other prizes, based mostly on his biography of Johnson. He is still working on Volume 5. He is 85. Hang in there, Bob!
Here is Wikipedia's matter-of-fact summary.
The 1948 United States Senate election in Texas was held on November 2, 1948. After the inconclusive Democratic Party primary in July, a hotly contested runoff was held in August in which U.S. Congressman Lyndon B. Johnson was officially declared to have defeated former Texas governor Coke Stevenson for the party's nomination by eighty-seven votes. After Johnson was declared winner of the runoff, the state party's executive committee confirmed his nomination by a margin of one vote. The validity of the runoff election was challenged before the US Supreme Court due to allegations of election fraud, and in later years, testimony by parties involved indicated that widespread fraud occurred and that friendly political machines produced the fraudulent votes needed for Johnson to have a numerical majority, in effect stealing the election. After years of desultory opposition to Democrats during the post-Reconstruction years of the Solid South, Republicans vigorously contested the race by nominating businessman and party activist Jack Porter, who waged an aggressive campaign. Johnson won his first term in the Senate, but by a closer margin than usual for Texas Democrats.
Then it gets to the nitty-gritty. If you don't know the story, you will find this incredible.
The key to all this was political fixer George Parr. Also involved was Texas Ranger Frank Hamer, portrayed by Kevin Costner in The Highwayman. He was on Stevenson's side. He got Bonnie and Clyde, but he never got Johnson and Parr.
The vote count took a week, and was handled by the Democratic State Central Committee. On August 30 at 11:45, results had been tabulated from 211 of the state's 254 counties. Stevenson's total (492,481) had surpassed Johnson's total (492,271) by 210 votes. Johnson started calling his county campaign managers to reassure them that he would win, and a Johnson aide later told his biographer Robert Caro that Johnson purposely avoided asking for fraud to be committed so that he would be able to testify truthfully under oath in any post-election legal proceedings. However, Johnson did ask for his campaign managers to "find" more votes for him by reexamining the tally sheets. In the process of attempting to increase Johnson's total, one of his aides accidentally called a Stevenson campaign manager to ask him to find more votes for Johnson. One of Parr's aides stated he took a telephone call from Johnson to Parr that was about the election and the fact that the counties under Parr's control still not reported their votes meant extra votes could be added to Johnson's total.
Three days after the polls closed, results were still being tabulated and Stevenson led by a small amount. On September 2, Stevenson was still in the lead. The election returns from Houston, Fort Worth and Dallas showed Stevenson leading by 20,000 votes, giving Stevenson enough of a lead that he celebrated his apparent victory. The election returns from Bexar County in the July primary gave Stevenson a 12,000 vote margin. In the runoff, Johnson's personal attention helped reverse the result, and the newly reported 2,000 vote margin in his favor made the contest competitive again. Early on Friday, September 3, an unusually late six days after the election, new vote tallies from Jim Wells and Duval Counties were announced, replacing previous counts and giving Johnson the lead. The election results from the Valley favored Johnson by statistically improbable amounts, with Duval County reporting 4,195 votes for Johnson and only 38 for Stevenson. In addition to lopsided totals in Jim Wells and Duval counties, Parr's influence in Jim Hogg County was estimated to have delivered Johnson over 1,000 additional votes.
Stevenson held a press conference and accused Johnson of fraud, saying "A concentrated effort is being made to count me out of this Senate race". Johnson denied any fraud, saying that the vote returns had been merely incorrectly reported and he had known of the true figures all along. Johnson's statement prompted much skepticism with the newspapers pointing that some of the judges supervising the vote in "the Valley" were saying as late as 29 August that they had not counted all of the votes, leading to questions about how he had known of the precise number of votes since Election Day. In a subsequent radio address, Johnson claimed that he only learned of the vote totals on 31 August and challenged Stevenson to produce evidence of fraud.
Stevenson sent in a team led by Mexican-American lawyer Pete Tijerina to obtain evidence of fraud, and Tijerina interviewed several individuals who were recorded as having voted, but who stated that they had not cast ballots. Tijerina was unable to find a notary public willing to authenticate these statements, which precluded them from being presented in court. After sheriff's deputies warned Tijernia and his team to depart Duval County or local authorities would not able to guarantee their safety, Tijernia and his aides immediately left. Another team of Stevenson lawyers went to Jim Wells County and asked to see the tally sheets, but were turned away. After interviewing members of the local Democratic Executive Committee who mentioned irregularities in the tally sheets, which were by now locked in a vault at the Texas State Bank, the lawyers believed the tally sheets contained evidence of fraud.
Stevenson, accompanied by Frank Hamer, a legendary Texas Ranger and longtime friend and hunting partner, went to Alice, the Jim Wells County seat, and attempted to see the tally sheets. Many feared a shootout as Stevenson and Hamer walked down the main street of Alice with their hands on their guns, but they were able to avoid a confrontation by intimidating five of Parr's pistoleros into backing down. The bank manager allowed them to briefly view the list, then took it back when he saw them making notes, but Stevenson and Hamer had seen enough to convince them that blatant fraud had taken place, particularly in the vote totals for Precinct 13. The last 200 or so names on the Precinct 13 tally sheet were in alphabetical order and written in black ink and identical handwriting that was different from the writing for other entries, which were in blue ink. Stevenson and Hamer had memorized enough of the names that they were able to contact some of the individuals, many of whom stated that they had not voted.
Stevenson sent lawyers to interview voters in Precinct 13 and collect affidavits. The claims of fraud attracted much media attention both in Texas and nationally, with Parr being profiled in Time as the man who made Johnson the next Senator from Texas. As Stevenson was a member of the Texas Regulars faction opposed to Truman, while Johnson was a member of the pro-New Deal Texas Loyalists, the Senate race had national implications, and Truman favored Johnson in the ensuing controversy.
Election Judge Luis Salas had responsibility for counting the votes in Jim Wells County. According to one observer, Jimmy Holmgreen, Salas listed votes that had been cast for Stevenson as votes for Johnson. Salas silenced complaints by ordering Holmgreen away from the table where he was counting the votes, and Holmgreen was so intimidated that he meekly complied. Salas said in 1977 that on Parr's order, he had created the last 202 fraudulent ballots from Precinct 13 (200 for Johnson, 2 for Stevenson). According to Salas, he witnessed the fraudulent votes added to the tally sheet and then certified them as authentic. "We had the law to ourselves there," Salas said. "We had iron control. If a man was opposed to us, we'd put him out of business. Parr was the Godfather. He had life or death control. We could tell any election judge: 'Give us 50 percent of the vote, the other guy 20 per cent.' We had it made in every election."
With the official statewide number of ballots reported as 988,295, Johnson was announced the winner by 87 votes. There were many allegations of voter fraud, with the greatest focus on the last 202 "patently fraudulent" Precinct 13 votes. Some of these voters insisted that they had not voted that day, while the last of the voters whose names appeared before the questionable entries on the tally sheet stated that there had been no one behind him in line shortly before the polls closed.
In his 1979 memoir, Salas wrote: "In all these years, George told me to give our candidates 80 percent of the total votes, regardless if the people voted against us". In another passage, he wrote that Parr had told him: "Luis, do not hesitate. Spend all the money necessary, but we have to have Johnson elected". In Means of Ascent, Robert Caro made the case that through the machinations of Parr and Salas, Johnson stole the election in Jim Wells County.
Because of this, Johnson became known as "landslide Lyndon." As to the money behind Johnson, read this.
What became of George Parr? Wikipedia reports.
In 1950, Parr had become a thorn in the side of Governor Allan Shivers and Attorney General John Ben Shepperd. Federal officials began to investigate the machine. Some 650 indictments were brought forth against machine members, 300 of them at the state level. Parr, however, eluded indictment, and his conviction for fraud was later dismissed. Under the protection of Lyndon Johnson, Parr eluded all attempts to investigate and convict him for fraud, bribery, corruption, racketeering, and murder. . . . .
With the end of the Johnson administration in 1968, Parr lost his primary political protector. Under advice from Johnson and other prominent figures, he relinquished control of his machine to his nephew Archer III, by the early 1970s. The law finally caught up with Parr in 1974 when he was convicted of income tax evasion and given a ten-year prison term. He was found dead at his ranch on April 1, 1975, the apparent victim of suicide.
CONCLUSION
What we are seeing this month is standard Democratic politics. It is just on a larger scale.
For more evidence of electoral fraud, read this: https://www.garynorth.com/public/21532.cfm.
Solid goods to shut ignorant mouths. Fill the space where something is missing with these reading materials.
https://roar-assets-auto.rbl.ms/documents/7487/3.%20EXHIBIT%201%20(affidavits)%20(compressed).pdf
Found in a comment on this article:
https://www.nationalreview.com/the-morning-jolt/a-careful-voter-fraud-review/
Commenter's name was Abraham, 10 hours ago.